The Battle Over Vande Mataram: The Historical Journey of the National Song, the New Law, and the Politics of Appeasement

The Battle Over Vande Mataram: The Historical Journey of the National Song, the New Law, and the Politics of Appeasement

During the monsoon session of July 2026, the Modi government took a historic decision by passing the Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Act, 2026. Through this new law, the national song 'Vande Mataram' has been granted full statutory status and protection, equivalent to the national anthem 'Jana Gana Mana'. Following the President's approval, this new law has been implemented across the country. Just as the nation was feeling overwhelmed with pride singing the complete 'Vande Mataram' on its 80th Independence Day, unfortunately, its insult also began. And this controversy was started by none other than the country's oldest party, the Congress. It is an irony that the very song which once united the entire nation for freedom is today being sacrificed to political appeasement.

The New Law: Highest Honour for the National Song and Strict Penalties

According to the new statutory amendments, the national song 'Vande Mataram' now enjoys full legal protection akin to the National Flag, the Constitution, and the National Anthem. Under this act, if any person intentionally prevents the singing of Vande Mataram or causes disturbance to any assembly engaged in such singing or presentation, it will be considered a serious punishable offence. This carries a maximum penalty of imprisonment for up to three years, a fine, or both. If a person commits such an offence a second time, they will be given a mandatory minimum sentence of one year in prison.

According to the new guidelines of the Ministry of Home Affairs, the time prescribed for singing the full format of all six stanzas of 'Vande Mataram' for official programs and occasions is approximately three minutes and ten seconds. The national song has now been given precedence over the national anthem in official programs, and the protocol of standing in the 'attention' posture during its official singing or playing has been made mandatory. The Government of India is celebrating the 150th anniversary of Vande Mataram, and for this reason, this historic decision to sing it in its entirety has been taken.

The August 15th Controversy and the Congress's Stubborn Stance

The controversy began on August 15th during the Independence Day celebrations at the Congress headquarters. While 'Vande Mataram' was being sung, a video emerged in which Sonia Gandhi was seen asking her staff to stop the song after the completion of two stanzas. During this time, a conversation between Mallikarjun Kharge and Sonia Gandhi became public, and from there, a major controversy was born. Initially, Congress spokespersons tried to cover it up, making the excuse that the conversation was about asking for a chair for Mallikarjun Kharge.

However, as the controversy escalated, several senior Congress leaders came forward and clarified that the Congress would stick to its old policy of singing only the first two stanzas and would not sing the full national song. The Congress Working Committee formally decided that only the first two stanzas of 'Vande Mataram' would be sung at party events. To justify this move, the Congress cited its nearly nine-decade-old resolution. The Bharatiya Janata Party took the Congress to task for this act and demanded an apology to the entire nation. But instead of admitting its mistake, the Congress adopted a stubborn stance, making it clear that it would not sing the full national song.

The Birth of Vande Mataram and the Marching Song of the Freedom Struggle

To understand this controversy deeply, we must delve into the pages of history. In the 1870s, the British rulers made it mandatory to sing the song 'God Save the Queen' at official functions. Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, who was a government official in those days, was deeply hurt by this dictatorial order of the British. As an alternative, he composed a new song in 1875 by mixing Sanskrit and Bengali languages, titled 'Vande Mataram'.

In 1882, when he wrote the novel 'Anandamath', he included this song, steeped in love for the motherland, in it. This novel was based on the Sannyasi rebellion aimed at awakening the public dying from British rule, exploitation by landlords, and famine. In the novel, this song is sung by a rebel Sannyasi named Bhavananda. Its tune was composed by Yadunath Bhattacharya.

In 1896, the full version of this song was sung at the session of the Indian National Congress; its first stage performer and composer was Rabindranath Tagore himself. In 1905, when the British partitioned Bengal, this song worked a miracle. On August 7, 1905, amidst a crowd gathered to protest the partition of Bengal, this collective voice suddenly resonated, and the entire sky echoed with the chant of 'Vande Mataram'. Overnight, it became the marching song of the Indian freedom struggle.

Countless revolutionaries like Madan Lal Dhingra, Khudiram Bose, Surya Sen, Ram Prasad Bismil, and Ashfaqulla Khan kissed the hangman's noose chanting 'Vande Mataram'. Bhagat Singh used to greet his father in his letters with this very song. Subhas Chandra Bose's Azad Hind Fauj had adopted this song.

Voices of Protest: The Muslim League and Separatist Politics

As the freedom struggle progressed, divisive forces began to target this great song. The first refusal to view this song as a unifying voice came in 1923 at the Kakinada Congress session by the then Congress President Maulana Ahmad Ali. He interrupted Pt. Vishnu Digambar Paluskar, a doyen of Hindustani classical music, right in the middle of his rendition of Vande Mataram. But Pt. Paluskar did not let the song be insulted at that time and only stopped after singing the entire song.

In the 1930s, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the Muslim League launched a strong campaign against it under the guise of religion-based politics. Their argument was that it depicted Mother India as the Goddess Durga, which was not compatible with Islamic beliefs. The Muslim League described it as idolatrous and anti-Muslim.

It is important to note here that the national songs or anthems of many countries in the world incorporate their culture and beliefs. The British national anthem includes a prayer to God to save the Queen, Libya's national song invokes 'Allahu Akbar', and Syria's national song mentions 'Arabism'. In these countries, these songs were never viewed through a communal lens, but in India, the Muslim League turned it into a Hindu-Muslim issue.

The Beginning of Appeasement: The Ideological Surrender of 1937

The then Congress leadership began to bow down to the objections and pressures of the Muslim League. In 1937, a committee comprising Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, and Subhas Chandra Bose (under the guidance of Rabindranath Tagore) decided that only the first two stanzas of this song would be sung. Their logic was that the later stanzas mentioned Hindu deities, which might objectify Muslims.

Recently, during a debate in Parliament, Prime Minister Modi also referred to the 1937 letter that Nehru wrote to Subhas Chandra Bose, which stated that the background of 'Anandamath' might disturb Muslims. This was the era that marked the beginning of political objections, and the Congress intellectually surrendered before the Muslim League in the name of communal harmony. This was a political compromise that later extended to the decisions of the partition.

Conclusion: The Importance of Ideological Symbols and a Message for Political Parties

This current controversy over 'Vande Mataram' is not just a simple question of whether to sing a song or not, but it is a reflection of the nation's ideological journey starting from the Swadeshi movement of 1905 to today. History is witness to the fact that the complete singing of 'Vande Mataram' which reunited divided Bengal in 1905 and forced the British to reverse their decision, was fragmented in 1937 due to communal pressures.

While this partition of the song may not have been the direct cause of the country's partition, it was certainly the biggest symbol of that ideological weakness, Muslim appeasement, and compromising mentality, which emboldened the separatists and ultimately made the partition of the country possible. Had this song-like mantra not been fragmented, perhaps the country would not have been forced into partition. This entire sequence of events hides a clear message for both the government and the opposition parties in today's political landscape.

It is imperative for the government that granting statutory status equivalent to the national anthem to 'Vande Mataram' through the new law does not remain merely a legal step. The government must ensure that true awareness and acceptance of its historical significance, Bankim Chandra's philosophy, and its supreme contribution to the freedom struggle are generated among all sections of the country.

On the other hand, for the country's oldest party, the Congress, this controversy should be a subject of serious warning and introspection. The politics of 'Muslim appeasement' under which the compromise of breaking the song into pieces was made in 1937, is the same politics of appeasement that the party continues to use as its shield today. It is a bitter political truth that due to this policy of appeasement, a negative attitude towards historical symbols, and continuous disregard for majoritarian sentiments, the Congress, which once ruled the entire country, is today confined to just a few states.

Distancing oneself from national symbols means directly disconnecting from the nation's core consciousness and its soul. If the Congress party continues to insult or boycott its own glorious historical symbols like 'Vande Mataram' to please a particular community, and does not give up its stubbornness of abandoning its basic national character, its remaining relevance among the public will also vanish in the coming times, and its political future will become even more precarious and dark.

~ Shive Mishra 

 

From Mumkin to Mushkil (Possible to Problematic): The Modi Phenomenon

From  Mumkin to Mushkil (Possible to Problematic): The Modi Phenomenon

The monsoon session of Parliament this year has concluded, but it has left behind several unanswered questions regarding the political future of the country and parliamentary democracy, questions that will echo for a long time to come. This session was shameful for the entire opposition, including the Congress, due to their conduct; it was full of strategic failures for the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP); and it was extremely unfortunate for the common public, whose tax money funds parliamentary proceedings. Shattering the invincible myth of "Modi hai toh mumkin hai" (If Modi is there, it is possible), Prime Minister Narendra Modi has severely disappointed the nationalist conscience of the country this time. It felt as though the aura of power maintained over a decade had somehow vanished. Home Minister Amit Shah's highly discussed 'Chanakya Neeti' (strategic acumen) was nowhere to be seen throughout the entire session. Step by step, it was deeply felt that the ruling BJP and the Prime Minister himself were extremely helpless, directionless, and under immense pressure. The irony is that this happened when all their allies stood rock-solid with them in every crisis. In such a scenario, this defensive stance of the government is beyond anyone's comprehension.

Devaluation of Parliamentary Democracy and Dismal Statistics

Parliament, often called the supreme temple of democracy, is not merely a building of brick and stone; it is the reflection of the aspirations of over a billion citizens. In this twenty-five-day monsoon session, one hundred and fourteen hours were allocated separately for the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha to debate issues of national importance and conduct legislative business. However, the statistics that emerged at the conclusion of the session are alarming for the health of our democracy. In relation to this, the Lok Sabha functioned for only seventeen and a half hours, which is a mere fifteen percent of the total allocated time. Meanwhile, the upper house, the Rajya Sabha, functioned for about thirty-seven and a half hours (thirty-three percent).

These figures clearly indicate that due to the opposition's continuous uproar, sloganeering, and adjournments, this monsoon session was reduced to one of the least productive sessions of the past decade. According to political analysts, it was arguably the least productive and poorest quality session of the Modi government's entire tenure. Crores of rupees of taxpayers' hard-earned money were squandered on merely waving placards and creating noise.

A total of twelve bills were passed by both houses. These included several significant bills with far-reaching impacts, such as the 'Public Examinations (Prevention of Unfair Means) Amendment Bill', the 'Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill', and the 'Kerala (Change of Name) Bill'. From the perspective of parliamentary procedure, the situation was so pathetic that nine out of the twelve passed bills saw no meaningful debate in the house. The communication gap between the ruling party and the opposition was so dominant that several bills were passed by voice vote amidst tremendous chaos in a mere three to five minutes. Question Hour, the most crucial time to seek accountability from the government, remained almost completely stalled.

The primary responsibility for ensuring the smooth functioning of Parliament, breaking deadlocks, and advancing legislative business always lies with the government and the ruling party. The opposition's job is to ask tough questions and hold the government accountable, but the fragmented and negative form the opposition has assumed today seems solely aimed at stalling the house to gain cheap political and electoral mileage. In such a situation, the government should not have shied away from enacting laws by taking the opposition into confidence, or by exerting pressure, and if necessary, taking stern measures. History bears witness that during the Emergency, when the entire opposition was behind bars, the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made major amendments to the Constitution itself. Suspending or expelling unruly MPs who cause a ruckus and disrespect the Chair for the entire session is the government's biggest constitutional weapon. Yet, despite being in power, a helpless-looking government did not use this legitimate right. This reflects the ideological weakness of the government.

The NEET Controversy and the Vicious Double Standards of Political Parties

Just before the monsoon session, the government had come under severe psychological pressure following the chaotic protests at Jantar Mantar in the national capital over the NEET exam paper leak case. The most surprising aspect of the session was that on the NEET issue—which impacts the futures of millions of students—the government remained on its knees throughout. The Ministry of Education's defense was extremely weak. On this issue, those political parties who, while in power in their respective states, had completely commercialized the education system and turned 'cheating on contract' into an organized industry, also shed crocodile tears and viciously attacked the government.

Turning the pages of history, one recalls how mass copying was facilitated by writing answers on blackboards inside examination centers with the connivance of invigilators. Solved question papers were openly sold at roadside paan shops, and a parallel empire of education and copying mafias existed. In Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and West Bengal, some specific previous governments had set such records of corruption that fake candidates who topped state-level board exams could not even spell their core subjects correctly. Even state civil service examinations saw massive rigging, and people from specific castes and communities were handpicked for government posts. The investigation into the infamous teachers' recruitment scam in West Bengal is still ongoing under the strict supervision of the High Court, where mountains of cash worth crores have been recovered from the houses of corrupt leaders. Today, these very people stand in Parliament preaching about purity and honesty.

Today, regional satraps and several opposition parties are demanding the decentralization of the NEET exam. Their flawed argument is that education is a subject on the concurrent list of the Constitution, and therefore, states should be given full liberty to base admissions to their medical colleges on Class 12 marks or their own state-level exams. Most vociferously included in this absurd demand is the party whose leader's daughter not only secured the first rank in the state's joint entrance exam during her father's tenure but also mysteriously topped her medical graduation exams later. This is the most glaring evidence of the opposition's double standards.

The Foreign Contribution Bill, External Pressure, and the Government's Surrender

The Modi government disappointed its most committed supporters the most regarding the proposed stringent amendment bill to the 'Foreign Contribution Regulation Act' (FCRA). This bill is extremely essential in present times for India's internal security, sovereignty, and existence. The government had announced its passage with great fanfare, sparking major hope among nationalists. According to official data, over three million registered non-governmental organizations are currently operating in India. Many of these organizations receive an average of twenty thousand crore rupees in massive foreign funding annually.

It is no longer a secret that under the guise of noble work in social service, education, and health, many of these institutions are engaged in large-scale religious conversions in remote tribal and backward areas of the country. Their ultimate goal is to alter India's centuries-old demographics to create new autonomous zones under Islamic and Christian influence within the country. Previous governments deliberately left legal loopholes in this foreign contribution law, under the cover of which desired foreign funds flowed into the country without any strict monitoring.

Besides conversions, this unaccounted foreign wealth has been utilized to halt major Indian development projects in the name of defending democracy, environmental protection, and human rights. Whether it was the Sardar Sarovar Dam in Gujarat, the Tehri Hydroelectric Project in Uttarakhand, or numerous highly crucial mineral and mining projects in Odisha, Bihar, and Jharkhand—organizations funded by foreign money kept them tangled in courts and protests for years. Behind this lies a deep international economic conspiracy, ensuring India cannot utilize its resources and remains eternally dependent on foreign powers for imports of foundational commodities like coal, copper, and steel. Even a large section of the mainstream media and opinion-makers on social media are funded by this same foreign money, enabling them to stand against their own elected government and promote the geopolitical interests of their foreign donors.

This proposed strict amendment bill deeply concerned Christian organizations and so-called social service institutions active in India, along with America and some European nations, who are the largest international sources of this foreign funding. Therefore, to prevent the government from passing this crucial bill in Parliament, a massive international conspiracy was systematically executed both inside and outside the country. It is reported that overnight, a chaotic protest was suddenly orchestrated at Jantar Mantar in the capital through an alleged 'Cockroach Janata Party' created within a mere seventy-two hours. The entire funding for this organized protest was managed by exploiting the existing loopholes in the FCRA law. Expensive food supplies were directly arranged using foreign funds. Unknown individuals, who perhaps cannot afford two square meals at home, set up stalls offering delicious and expensive dishes on the streets of Jantar Mantar. This was a naked display of direct interference by foreign money in India's internal affairs.

Did the Modi Government Bow to International Diplomatic Pressure?

The Modi government, sitting with an absolute majority for the past twelve years, had already delayed bringing this extremely important bill in the national interest. However, if one connects the dots of the diplomatic events that occurred behind the scenes during the monsoon session, a very deep and dangerous international conspiracy becomes clearly visible. The mysterious visits of American leaders and diplomats to India right before and during the session, their long secret meetings with senior officials of the Missionaries of Charity in Kolkata instead of coming directly to the capital, and meeting the Prime Minister directly before meeting the Indian Foreign Minister upon returning to Delhi—all this was not normal diplomacy.

During this period, right in the middle of the current monsoon session, US Vice Presidential candidate JD Vance making an unexpected phone call to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, high-ranking officials of the American Embassy continuously establishing contact with representatives of the Catholic Church in India, and making unprovoked courtesy calls on Chief Ministers of opposition-ruled states—all this was part of a massive and organized pressure strategy.

Ultimately, nationalists faced the greatest despair when a government perceived to have a strong image capitulated to these unseen foreign pressures. The country's powerful Home Minister giving a clear indication during a meeting with political representatives of an influential Christian community from Kerala that "this bill will not be passed, but rather handed over to a Joint Parliamentary Committee, so you do not need to worry," reflects the government's severe ideological and political weakness. If the government ultimately intended to shelve the bill by sending it to a parliamentary committee, what was the need for such a political uproar initially? Preventing foreign funding was entirely a sovereign and internal matter of India; what justification remains for backtracking under pressure from a foreign superpower?

The Sacred Ram Temple Issue and the Suicidal Politics of Uttar Pradesh

Another pinnacle of political degradation was witnessed during the parliament session. The opposition engaged in extremely cheap theatrics to politicize a baseless issue regarding the theft of offerings at the grand temple of Lord Ram, a symbol of faith for crores of Hindus in Ayodhya. Inside the House, an opposition MP, dressed as a sacred saffron-clad saint, was repeatedly seen placing a picture of Lord Ram on the floor and picking it up in an insulting manner. The Congress Party, which has spent its life denying the historical existence of Ram and submitting affidavits in court, also raised this issue vociferously.

On the other hand, the Samajwadi Party—which claims to be re-establishing itself in Uttar Pradesh and connecting with the upper castes alongside the backward classes—has played a destructive role in this matter, for which it will certainly pay a heavy political price in the upcoming 2027 assembly elections. The anti-Hindu antics of the Samajwadi Party's MPs have caused immense pain in the minds of faithful Hindus. The general and upper-class voters who sat at home during the last Lok Sabha elections due to dissatisfaction over ticket distribution or local issues with the BJP, may completely distance themselves from the Samajwadi Party in the upcoming assembly elections because of these anti-Hindu actions.

It is becoming clear that the toxic effect of Rahul Gandhi's company on Akhilesh Yadav's politics will soon push the Samajwadi Party to the margins, just like the Congress. The abyss to which Rahul Gandhi has pushed Tejashwi Yadav in Bihar with his political experiments seems to be his concrete and hidden plan for Akhilesh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh. The ground reality is that if anyone can defeat the BJP in Uttar Pradesh now, it is only the discontent within the BJP itself; the Samajwadi Party is nowhere in this race.

The Severe Anger of Supporters and a Final Warning for the Future

The biggest political reality today is that the Modi government is continuously disappointing its own supporters, grassroots workers, and committed ideological voters more than it is suffering from opposition attacks. When the NEET controversy was at its peak and the students' anger was boiling on the streets, the demand for the moral resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was gaining momentum. Had his resignation been taken promptly at that time, it would have sent a positive and meaningful message of accountability to the public. But the government remained stubborn then, and now, when it is surrounded on all sides by the pressure of an anarchic movement, even if his resignation is taken, it will not please any BJP well-wisher, but rather be seen as the government's weakness.

The government's 'helpless posture' throughout this monsoon session of Parliament, shelving a crucial national security law like foreign contribution that stops the game of foreign money by handing it over to a Joint Parliamentary Committee, and capitulating without a fight to unruly elements on the streets and foreign powers, has generated deep-seated anger within the nationalist conscience of the country. The top leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party and its supposedly invincible electoral stalwarts need to immediately engage in intense introspection regarding this defensive and vacillating style of working. If concrete steps are not taken in time and ideological clarity is not restored, they might suddenly lose the power of the country forever due to this helpless posture and the neglect of their own people. It may be late, but they must act correctly now, because time is slipping through their fingers like sand.

                     ~~~~~~~~~~Shiv Mishra ~~~~~~~~