From Mumkin to Mushkil (Possible to Problematic): The Modi Phenomenon

From  Mumkin to Mushkil (Possible to Problematic): The Modi Phenomenon

The monsoon session of Parliament this year has concluded, but it has left behind several unanswered questions regarding the political future of the country and parliamentary democracy, questions that will echo for a long time to come. This session was shameful for the entire opposition, including the Congress, due to their conduct; it was full of strategic failures for the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP); and it was extremely unfortunate for the common public, whose tax money funds parliamentary proceedings. Shattering the invincible myth of "Modi hai toh mumkin hai" (If Modi is there, it is possible), Prime Minister Narendra Modi has severely disappointed the nationalist conscience of the country this time. It felt as though the aura of power maintained over a decade had somehow vanished. Home Minister Amit Shah's highly discussed 'Chanakya Neeti' (strategic acumen) was nowhere to be seen throughout the entire session. Step by step, it was deeply felt that the ruling BJP and the Prime Minister himself were extremely helpless, directionless, and under immense pressure. The irony is that this happened when all their allies stood rock-solid with them in every crisis. In such a scenario, this defensive stance of the government is beyond anyone's comprehension.

Devaluation of Parliamentary Democracy and Dismal Statistics

Parliament, often called the supreme temple of democracy, is not merely a building of brick and stone; it is the reflection of the aspirations of over a billion citizens. In this twenty-five-day monsoon session, one hundred and fourteen hours were allocated separately for the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha to debate issues of national importance and conduct legislative business. However, the statistics that emerged at the conclusion of the session are alarming for the health of our democracy. In relation to this, the Lok Sabha functioned for only seventeen and a half hours, which is a mere fifteen percent of the total allocated time. Meanwhile, the upper house, the Rajya Sabha, functioned for about thirty-seven and a half hours (thirty-three percent).

These figures clearly indicate that due to the opposition's continuous uproar, sloganeering, and adjournments, this monsoon session was reduced to one of the least productive sessions of the past decade. According to political analysts, it was arguably the least productive and poorest quality session of the Modi government's entire tenure. Crores of rupees of taxpayers' hard-earned money were squandered on merely waving placards and creating noise.

A total of twelve bills were passed by both houses. These included several significant bills with far-reaching impacts, such as the 'Public Examinations (Prevention of Unfair Means) Amendment Bill', the 'Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill', and the 'Kerala (Change of Name) Bill'. From the perspective of parliamentary procedure, the situation was so pathetic that nine out of the twelve passed bills saw no meaningful debate in the house. The communication gap between the ruling party and the opposition was so dominant that several bills were passed by voice vote amidst tremendous chaos in a mere three to five minutes. Question Hour, the most crucial time to seek accountability from the government, remained almost completely stalled.

The primary responsibility for ensuring the smooth functioning of Parliament, breaking deadlocks, and advancing legislative business always lies with the government and the ruling party. The opposition's job is to ask tough questions and hold the government accountable, but the fragmented and negative form the opposition has assumed today seems solely aimed at stalling the house to gain cheap political and electoral mileage. In such a situation, the government should not have shied away from enacting laws by taking the opposition into confidence, or by exerting pressure, and if necessary, taking stern measures. History bears witness that during the Emergency, when the entire opposition was behind bars, the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made major amendments to the Constitution itself. Suspending or expelling unruly MPs who cause a ruckus and disrespect the Chair for the entire session is the government's biggest constitutional weapon. Yet, despite being in power, a helpless-looking government did not use this legitimate right. This reflects the ideological weakness of the government.

The NEET Controversy and the Vicious Double Standards of Political Parties

Just before the monsoon session, the government had come under severe psychological pressure following the chaotic protests at Jantar Mantar in the national capital over the NEET exam paper leak case. The most surprising aspect of the session was that on the NEET issue—which impacts the futures of millions of students—the government remained on its knees throughout. The Ministry of Education's defense was extremely weak. On this issue, those political parties who, while in power in their respective states, had completely commercialized the education system and turned 'cheating on contract' into an organized industry, also shed crocodile tears and viciously attacked the government.

Turning the pages of history, one recalls how mass copying was facilitated by writing answers on blackboards inside examination centers with the connivance of invigilators. Solved question papers were openly sold at roadside paan shops, and a parallel empire of education and copying mafias existed. In Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and West Bengal, some specific previous governments had set such records of corruption that fake candidates who topped state-level board exams could not even spell their core subjects correctly. Even state civil service examinations saw massive rigging, and people from specific castes and communities were handpicked for government posts. The investigation into the infamous teachers' recruitment scam in West Bengal is still ongoing under the strict supervision of the High Court, where mountains of cash worth crores have been recovered from the houses of corrupt leaders. Today, these very people stand in Parliament preaching about purity and honesty.

Today, regional satraps and several opposition parties are demanding the decentralization of the NEET exam. Their flawed argument is that education is a subject on the concurrent list of the Constitution, and therefore, states should be given full liberty to base admissions to their medical colleges on Class 12 marks or their own state-level exams. Most vociferously included in this absurd demand is the party whose leader's daughter not only secured the first rank in the state's joint entrance exam during her father's tenure but also mysteriously topped her medical graduation exams later. This is the most glaring evidence of the opposition's double standards.

The Foreign Contribution Bill, External Pressure, and the Government's Surrender

The Modi government disappointed its most committed supporters the most regarding the proposed stringent amendment bill to the 'Foreign Contribution Regulation Act' (FCRA). This bill is extremely essential in present times for India's internal security, sovereignty, and existence. The government had announced its passage with great fanfare, sparking major hope among nationalists. According to official data, over three million registered non-governmental organizations are currently operating in India. Many of these organizations receive an average of twenty thousand crore rupees in massive foreign funding annually.

It is no longer a secret that under the guise of noble work in social service, education, and health, many of these institutions are engaged in large-scale religious conversions in remote tribal and backward areas of the country. Their ultimate goal is to alter India's centuries-old demographics to create new autonomous zones under Islamic and Christian influence within the country. Previous governments deliberately left legal loopholes in this foreign contribution law, under the cover of which desired foreign funds flowed into the country without any strict monitoring.

Besides conversions, this unaccounted foreign wealth has been utilized to halt major Indian development projects in the name of defending democracy, environmental protection, and human rights. Whether it was the Sardar Sarovar Dam in Gujarat, the Tehri Hydroelectric Project in Uttarakhand, or numerous highly crucial mineral and mining projects in Odisha, Bihar, and Jharkhand—organizations funded by foreign money kept them tangled in courts and protests for years. Behind this lies a deep international economic conspiracy, ensuring India cannot utilize its resources and remains eternally dependent on foreign powers for imports of foundational commodities like coal, copper, and steel. Even a large section of the mainstream media and opinion-makers on social media are funded by this same foreign money, enabling them to stand against their own elected government and promote the geopolitical interests of their foreign donors.

This proposed strict amendment bill deeply concerned Christian organizations and so-called social service institutions active in India, along with America and some European nations, who are the largest international sources of this foreign funding. Therefore, to prevent the government from passing this crucial bill in Parliament, a massive international conspiracy was systematically executed both inside and outside the country. It is reported that overnight, a chaotic protest was suddenly orchestrated at Jantar Mantar in the capital through an alleged 'Cockroach Janata Party' created within a mere seventy-two hours. The entire funding for this organized protest was managed by exploiting the existing loopholes in the FCRA law. Expensive food supplies were directly arranged using foreign funds. Unknown individuals, who perhaps cannot afford two square meals at home, set up stalls offering delicious and expensive dishes on the streets of Jantar Mantar. This was a naked display of direct interference by foreign money in India's internal affairs.

Did the Modi Government Bow to International Diplomatic Pressure?

The Modi government, sitting with an absolute majority for the past twelve years, had already delayed bringing this extremely important bill in the national interest. However, if one connects the dots of the diplomatic events that occurred behind the scenes during the monsoon session, a very deep and dangerous international conspiracy becomes clearly visible. The mysterious visits of American leaders and diplomats to India right before and during the session, their long secret meetings with senior officials of the Missionaries of Charity in Kolkata instead of coming directly to the capital, and meeting the Prime Minister directly before meeting the Indian Foreign Minister upon returning to Delhi—all this was not normal diplomacy.

During this period, right in the middle of the current monsoon session, US Vice Presidential candidate JD Vance making an unexpected phone call to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, high-ranking officials of the American Embassy continuously establishing contact with representatives of the Catholic Church in India, and making unprovoked courtesy calls on Chief Ministers of opposition-ruled states—all this was part of a massive and organized pressure strategy.

Ultimately, nationalists faced the greatest despair when a government perceived to have a strong image capitulated to these unseen foreign pressures. The country's powerful Home Minister giving a clear indication during a meeting with political representatives of an influential Christian community from Kerala that "this bill will not be passed, but rather handed over to a Joint Parliamentary Committee, so you do not need to worry," reflects the government's severe ideological and political weakness. If the government ultimately intended to shelve the bill by sending it to a parliamentary committee, what was the need for such a political uproar initially? Preventing foreign funding was entirely a sovereign and internal matter of India; what justification remains for backtracking under pressure from a foreign superpower?

The Sacred Ram Temple Issue and the Suicidal Politics of Uttar Pradesh

Another pinnacle of political degradation was witnessed during the parliament session. The opposition engaged in extremely cheap theatrics to politicize a baseless issue regarding the theft of offerings at the grand temple of Lord Ram, a symbol of faith for crores of Hindus in Ayodhya. Inside the House, an opposition MP, dressed as a sacred saffron-clad saint, was repeatedly seen placing a picture of Lord Ram on the floor and picking it up in an insulting manner. The Congress Party, which has spent its life denying the historical existence of Ram and submitting affidavits in court, also raised this issue vociferously.

On the other hand, the Samajwadi Party—which claims to be re-establishing itself in Uttar Pradesh and connecting with the upper castes alongside the backward classes—has played a destructive role in this matter, for which it will certainly pay a heavy political price in the upcoming 2027 assembly elections. The anti-Hindu antics of the Samajwadi Party's MPs have caused immense pain in the minds of faithful Hindus. The general and upper-class voters who sat at home during the last Lok Sabha elections due to dissatisfaction over ticket distribution or local issues with the BJP, may completely distance themselves from the Samajwadi Party in the upcoming assembly elections because of these anti-Hindu actions.

It is becoming clear that the toxic effect of Rahul Gandhi's company on Akhilesh Yadav's politics will soon push the Samajwadi Party to the margins, just like the Congress. The abyss to which Rahul Gandhi has pushed Tejashwi Yadav in Bihar with his political experiments seems to be his concrete and hidden plan for Akhilesh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh. The ground reality is that if anyone can defeat the BJP in Uttar Pradesh now, it is only the discontent within the BJP itself; the Samajwadi Party is nowhere in this race.

The Severe Anger of Supporters and a Final Warning for the Future

The biggest political reality today is that the Modi government is continuously disappointing its own supporters, grassroots workers, and committed ideological voters more than it is suffering from opposition attacks. When the NEET controversy was at its peak and the students' anger was boiling on the streets, the demand for the moral resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was gaining momentum. Had his resignation been taken promptly at that time, it would have sent a positive and meaningful message of accountability to the public. But the government remained stubborn then, and now, when it is surrounded on all sides by the pressure of an anarchic movement, even if his resignation is taken, it will not please any BJP well-wisher, but rather be seen as the government's weakness.

The government's 'helpless posture' throughout this monsoon session of Parliament, shelving a crucial national security law like foreign contribution that stops the game of foreign money by handing it over to a Joint Parliamentary Committee, and capitulating without a fight to unruly elements on the streets and foreign powers, has generated deep-seated anger within the nationalist conscience of the country. The top leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party and its supposedly invincible electoral stalwarts need to immediately engage in intense introspection regarding this defensive and vacillating style of working. If concrete steps are not taken in time and ideological clarity is not restored, they might suddenly lose the power of the country forever due to this helpless posture and the neglect of their own people. It may be late, but they must act correctly now, because time is slipping through their fingers like sand.

                     ~~~~~~~~~~Shiv Mishra ~~~~~~~~