The 'Disgruntled Fufa' of Politics

The 'Disgruntled Fufa' of Politics: Democracy, Power, and the Opposition's Deviation

                                                   — Shiv Prakash Mishra

In the Indian family system, the 'Fufa' (uncle, the father's sister's husband) is a fascinating, sensitive, and complex character. He is a member of the household, yet slightly an outsider. He feels an unspoken moral right to voice his opinion on every household matter. If he attends a wedding, he will ask why there is less salt in the food; if a house is built, he will question the floor plan. But the big question is, why is the Fufa always disgruntled? The real reason for his displeasure is that when, after a sister, a daughter gets married in an Indian family and a new son-in-law arrives, the old son-in-law (i.e., the Fufa) knowingly or unknowingly starts getting ignored. Everyone in the house gets busy hosting the new son-in-law, and hurt by this neglect, the Fufa starts finding excuses to point out flaws in everything just to maintain his relevance.

Following the immense success of phrases like 'Intellectual Naxals', Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a master of political messaging, has introduced this quintessential domestic character into Indian politics—the 'Disgruntled Fufa'. Recently, on September 5 at the centenary celebrations of the Shri Ram College of Commerce at Delhi University, and then on September 8 at an event in Vadodara, the Prime Minister took a dig at the opposition (especially Rahul Gandhi), labeling them as the 'Disgruntled Fufa' who finds flaws in every developmental initiative. The very next day, a crowd in Rae Bareli chanted the same slogans upon seeing Rahul Gandhi.

However, when metaphors of the 'Fufa' and the 'Son-in-law' are being coined from the political stage, it becomes absolutely essential to examine who the current ruling party and the opposition's real 'vote-bank as the new son-in-law' is, and who the neglected 'Fufa' is. Labeling Rahul Gandhi as the 'Disgruntled Fufa' might be a successful political strategy, but in reality, it is the 'General Category' of the country today that feels like that old son-in-law or neglected Fufa. They have been pushed to the margins while both the ruling party and the opposition are busy appeasing their 'new sons-in-law' (reserved vote banks).

Historically, the Congress has never undertaken any positive initiatives for the broader Hindu society. It appears that the foundation of minority appeasement politics was laid right from Nehru's tenure, for which, on one hand, the fragmentation of Hindu society was deemed necessary, and on the other, a particular community was granted unlimited rights. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was made the first Education Minister of independent India, a man whose background was not in formal modern education but purely in traditional Islamic education. In collusion with leftist thinkers, India's glorious history was distorted in a way that filled the Hindu society with an inferiority complex and frustration. Invaders were glorified, and the brave heroes of the nation were pushed to the margins. After partition, changing the name of the Muslim League to forge political alliances and lifting the ban on the notorious 'Razakar' organization—which massacred Hindus—was all part of the same appeasement policy of the Congress that always proved destructive for the broader Hindu society.

A political analyst once accurately predicted that eventually, the Congress would become the 'Muslim League' and the BJP would become the 'Congress'. Today, this seems to be a bitter truth. The Modi who was the face of broader Hindu unity in 2014 pivoted towards 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas' (Development for all) as soon as he became Prime Minister. By 2019, he started identifying himself as belonging to the backward classes, and now the situation has reached a point where an unspoken assurance of a caste-based census is being given.

In this blind race for power, for the BJP too, the unity of Hindu society is no longer paramount; the reserved vote bank has become everything. Today, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC/ST) Act has been made so stringent that it has become a curse for the General Category. There is a provision for millions of rupees in government compensation within days of an FIR being filed. Even if the cases are later proven false, no strict action is taken against those who filed the fabricated cases, nor is the compensation recovered. This racket is flourishing today, making the lives of innocent youth from the General Category a living hell. The recent guidelines issued by the University Grants Commission (UGC) seem to have drawn the final blueprint to completely crush the already moribund General Category.

Today, governments are only strengthening their respective vote banks in the name of empowering Dalits, backward classes, and minorities. The irony is that the youth of the General Category, who pay the highest taxes in the country, are not even allowed to protest peacefully for their legitimate demands at the capital's Jantar Mantar; they are packed into buses and dropped miles away. On the other hand, anarchic elements are given complete freedom to riot on the streets for months and take tractors right up to the nation's Parliament building, and later, to appease that very vote bank, all cases against them are withdrawn.

When the ruling party becomes so blind in wooing a new vote bank by ignoring its core voters, how can one complain about that neglected 'Fufa' (General Category) of the country, who feels like a second-class citizen on the lowest rung in independent India? As for the political Fufa (the opposition), their biggest problem is that despite millions of efforts, the 'Bua' (power/the aunt) is slipping from their hands. In this frustration, the opposition often becomes part of an anti-national narrative.

If 'UPI' (digital payments) has succeeded in the country or the transport capacity has increased through freight corridors, it cannot be dismissed simply because it happened under the Modi government. In a democracy, the job of the opposition is to review policies based on their merits and demerits, not to blindly oppose every good or bad thing.

If this entire political scenario were to be summed up in one sentence, it would be this: The problem is not the disgruntled Fufa; the problem is 'Fufagiri' (the attitude of the Fufa). That 'Fufagiri' which, like the opposition, finds flaws in every magnificent national achievement, and that 'Fufagiri' which, like the ruling party, sees a conspiracy in every legitimate question raised and sidelines its own loyal taxpayer voters. Dissent in a democracy is a safety valve, not treason. Today's aware public does not just want resentment and mudslinging; they want a positive alternative and transparent governance where the entire house is not put at stake just to politically appease one 'son-in-law'.

                           ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Shiv Mishra ~~~~~~~~~~~~